The main thrust of A Blueprint for Survival is to offer proposals for the solution of the most serious problems, both economic and political, that burden the nation. It recognizes the fact that comprehensive economic justice and peace can only be achieved by the restructuring of the economic and political systems themselves.

The first part of the book is devoted to presenting the inherent flaws in the nation's private capitalist system. Without understanding how the economic and political systems are wrongly structured resulting in the nation's most egregious problems, millions suffering unmet needs, there cannot be a full understanding of the proposals for a National Cooperative Commonwealth that is proposed in the second part of the book.

The four major flaws in our economic-political systems are dealt with:

• Absence of any restraints on the growth of "unnatural entities," called corporations.Since the inception of our nation, they have progressively taken over the nation's productive capability until today through accelerated mergers they are oppressively dominant in every area of the nation's products, services and all levels government.
• Unconstitutional control of the nation's money and credit by private financial entities. Such control has led to the astronomical debt of trillions of dollars with the private citizens and their government in perpetual bondage to non-producers. Most seriously, they have had the power to place liens against the workers' future earnings as the only means by which they could purchase what they, in the accumulate, had already produced.
• Those who control the economic an financial systems control the political processes by which government operates. First, they have gotten control of the nation's issuance of money and credit, then corralled all of its industrial assets and technology, and finally through these interlocking monopolies underwritten all major candidates who will be beholden to act according to the wishes and dictates of their underwriters.
• Inability of the social-economic-financial system to constructively accommodate the advancements in science and technology. It has been a two-edged sword with strides made in many fields of human endeavor but at the same time it has created threats to life itself. The most potent indictment against the private capitalist system is that there have existed serious unmet needs while at the same time there has been unused technological capability to fulfill those needs!

The primary purpose of the book is to enlighten the people as to the inevitable breakdown of adversary systems like private capitalism and the need to embrace cooperative (teamwork) systems. The secondary purpose and most defining in terms of hope and the future, is to present the legal steps that can be taken within the framework of the Constitution leading to the adoption of a National Cooperative Commonwealth.

Employing the principle of incorporation, a National Cooperative Commonwealth is simply incorporating the entire productive capability of the nation (its natural resources, its productive machinery, its human skill and its technology) into a Grand Corporation in which every citizen is a common shareholder and a preferred shareholder, giving each citizen a decision-making voice and also giving each a purchasing claim against the total goods and services produced.

It is a Commonealth in which the people democratically coordinate the full productive capability of the nation so that it can be unleashed for an abundant, equitable and creative life for all.

It is a Commonealth in which the nation's work capability would be automatically unleashed in direct ratio to the determined needs and services of the total citizenry devoid of all the stultifying burdens of indebtedness and confiscatory taxation.

It is a Commonealth in which there would be full implementation of basic human rights by way of universal health care, universal education, universal employment and a decision-making voice in the enactment of all major legislation and national policy.

Much stress in the book is underscoring the constant sovereign power of the people to make all changes for their betterment. Abraham Lincoln is cited respecting this inherent power when in his first inaugural address, March 4, 1861 he stated:

This country with its institutions belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amendment, or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it.

Blueprint for Survival is unique in that it offers something to be for instead of just something to be against. People want change but they don't know what to do or what must be done.

The single purpose of this book is to instill renewed hope in the hearts of a downcast and very troubled people, and to assure them that there is an attainable and realistic solution to the serious problems that beset the nation.

'This is a very detailed case study of 50 Kosovan asylum seeker families living in the East End of London. The living conditions and experiences of these families are discussed in the context of the United Kingdom's policy on asylum seekers. It is a useful study in documenting the problems and dilemmas faced by asylum seekers. While this is a case study of Kosovan asylum seekers in the UK, many of the problems and dilemmas discussed in this book are likely to be relevant to asylum seekers elsewhere.

The issue of asylum seekers is a very important one for many European countries as well as Britain because of the large number of asylum applications received by these countries in the last fifteen years, as shown in Chapter Two of this study. Many countries are trying to address the issue of asylum seekers and this case study of Kosovan families in London provides information that will be helpful in this regard'

Review - Siew-Ean Khoo, Australian Centre for Population Research

En este libro, el Brasil, y por ende todo el Continente Latinoamericano, se encuentra seriamente cuestionado y escudriñado. Pero su autor no se limita a constatarlo, usa su capacidad de síntesis para llamarlo a algo nuevo. Usando al Brasil como ejemplo, Edgar Norton también pretende llevar al lector a una comprensión mejor de su país, pues muchos de los problemas del Brasil que analiza son comunes en toda Latinoamérica. Por eso, en algunos casos, el lector podrá decir: "Pensé que hablaba de mi país". Concentrándose en especificidades históricas y sicológicas, explica porqué los proyectos político-sociales fallan y grandes masas de brasileños e hispanoamericanos hacen lo que hacen, sufren como sufren y no viven tan bien como podrían.

Gracias a la erudición, a la capacidad analítica y a la visión crítica altamente selectiva de Edgar Norton, este libro, con un lenguaje claro y directo, muestra al Brasil de una manera poco común —y nueva para la mayoría de las personas—, analizando hechos conocidos de modo independiente y presentando informaciones y datos que nos son sistemáticamente ocultados. Revela otro Brasil (y otro Continente) que aquel que los medios de comunicación muestran. Los lectores tendrán la sensación que aprendieron a ver con nuevos ojos, y descubrieron que lo que veían era muy poco, una parte pequeña y distorsionada de la realidad, la parte que los dueños del poder y sus propagandistas quieren que vean.

Para Entender Al Brasil no es una travesía en el mundo externo para ver la superficie de ese país. Es una exploración del mundo interno, de los misterios recónditos del alma del pueblo brasileño. Llega a la fuente de los impulsos profundos, a los estados de espíritu que determinan su personalidad colectiva. Hace conocer los grandes arquetipos, las grandes imágenes, que habitan el inconsciente colectivo y el inconsciente personal, con las cuales los brasileños estructuran la sociedad y conciben las transacciones.

El libro, dice el autor, "es una invitación a los lectores para que encaren con mucha seriedad las transacciones y las vean de forma crítica. Una de las razones consiste en que ellas ejercen un papel cada vez más importante en la construcción de la sociedad moderna. Otra razón es el peligro que existe de transformarlas en un embrollo y tormento. Pensando que serían ventajosos, los países chicos hispanoamericanos concertaron tratados con las naciones más fuertes, pero generalmente recibieron beneficios falsos y, quizá sin saberlo, sirvieron los fines de la política de dichas naciones y dejaron de atender los altos intereses nacionales. Ahora que edificamos una apreciable masa de conocimiento sobre el comportamiento humano, del cual las transacciones son un aspecto singular y de incalculable valor, no podemos más enfrentarlas de modo ingenuo. Si tenemos una idea más nítida de los estados de espíritu que las dirigen, estaremos en una situación mejor para controlarlas, a fin de que sean creativas y satisfactorias. Sin duda, las transacciones de esa naturaleza son la herramienta más eficaz para ampliar el conocimiento recíproco y abrir un aire nuevo en América Latina".

New evidence from the records of British Petroleum and Shell for the period, 1939-45 supplements accounts of oil politics based on state archives. This historical account demonstrates the continuity between the interwar industry cartel and the Allied wartime collaboration orchestrated through industry committees. The companies made use of their quasi-official position to manage crisis of prewar arrangements aggravated by the war which presaged the rapid expansion of postwar Middle East production. The companies then shaped the Anglo-American Oil Agreements of 1944 and 1945, establishing a basis for remaking their position in the Middle East, expanding the web of interfirm relations. The nationalisation of Anglo-Iranian in 1951 threatened the web and the companies were able to embargo nationalised Iranian oil and bankrupt the state. This society of oil majors was constituted by shared understandings and interests cultivated by the companies.

Structures of private governance may be quite significant factors for states allied to them. The United Kingdom was more closely tied into the system of private governance that prevailed in international oil in the middle decades of the century than was the United States and consequently was able to call on more resources to resist United States initiatives during this period. British influence persisted in the oil issue-area, in spite of greater United States resources overall, because of this close working relationship between state and companies. Close examination of the relationship reveals the extent of penetration by the companies into both the decision-making and implementation of foreign relations. The 'national' interest was thus articulated through an interplay of Governmental and corporate agendas, and this supports a general argument that 'national' power is not exercised solely by the state, but by the state in cooperation with other powerful social institutions. Non-state actors and their archives may enrich the study of foreign relations.

Before my critics start ranting and raving about what seems to be repetitive and disjointed appointments, let me say what seems to be repetitive and disjointed is actually intended. I've known for some time that some readers of non-fiction are cherry pickers (they read chapter I and II but then skip to chapter VI or VII). And I've always wondered why writers don't give backgrounds and lead-ups to new chapters, topics and sub-topics. In this book you'll find that I've given considerable attention to the foundation of materials as well as the main content. And in many cases the foundation may be a repeat of an issue previously discussed. But this is my style and I hope you'll find comfort in it.

With all due respect to the nations' preeminent historians, John Hope Franklin, North Carolina History and Archives Director, Dr. Jeffery Crow and NC senior Appellate Court Judge James A. Wynn Jr., I have invested a considerable amount of time, energy and patience in laying the foundation for my version of the development of America's prejudices, biases and racism. Judge Wynn, in particular, tried to persuade me from historical discussions of antebellum and post civil war politics. But I felt that America's racism has become the common thread that has woven a quilt of mistrust, deception and outright lies in national state and local politics- especially in the South. And it needed exploring.

The "beginning" is a wonderful place to start. In Part I (the Beginning) an attempt is made to outline the circumstance that led to the development of notions of racism and bigotry, and how unscrupulous politicians used the publics' propensity for both to gain political advantage. In many historical accounts of blacks in America the American Civil War is a centerpiece and hub for documentation, speculation and d justification of positions. The Civil War is therefore discussed from a perspective of the black man- the reasons for the war, and blacks- service during the war. The core of this book really begins with Reconstruction and blacks- newfound freedom, elected officials, Party affiliation, and voter rights protection. The end of Reconstruction is when the ugliness began. Many Southern whites saw this as a time to put blacks back in their places and they produced groups and organizations to ensure that the white man was restored to his "rightful" position of racial superiority. This was a time of Race Riots, Black Codes, Lynching and Jim Crow.

The later half of the twentieth century was the start of real political and social gains for blacks in America; and by the end of the 20th century blacks has gone through a political metamorphosis, moving from the Party of Lincoln to the Party that Lynched and enslaved them- the Democratic Party. The impact of the saga of "trading places" between the Democratic and Republican Parties still lingers today. And although the number of black elected officials is at an all time high and blacks have attained very high appointed offices, there are forces that would intimidate black voters, disenfranchise black voters and even steal elections form black and white voters all in the name of politics and winning elections.

These extraordinary circumstances require extraordinary remedies. The final Part of this book is devoted to the "Reengineering" of the black vote. The reengineering of black vote is a process that is long over-due and a process that will help empower all voters and bring a sense of fairness and equality to the politics of race in America.

This book uses a pioneering approach to the study of active citizenship in an era of unprecedented prosperity. This is an area of interest that is becoming very topical. The book explores some of the effects that prosperity is having on the ordinary citizen and in particular the state's relationship to the citizen.

The case for change is argued through a fictional autobiography of a typical citizen, Joe Meek and in particular through the twenty-one thoughts that he has over the course of his fiftieth birthday.

Joe lives in one of the most affluent yet polarised democracies in the world - Ireland. The book traces his working class origins and his willingness to be silent and passive. On his fiftieth birthday Joe begins to question the effects of this silence on his life and on fellow citizens. He rejects tooth and claw capitalism in favour of high levels of social and economic well-being. To achieve the right balance of social and economic well-being, a fundamental shift needs to occur in the mindset and priorities of each citizen and of governments.

The needs of the community must be on par with and not subservient to the needs of the individual. This will happen if citizens become more involved, more demanding of and give more thought to the kind of system and priorities that will make Ireland a better place for all to live in. In this way a fairer society will emerge.

Before my critics start ranting and raving about what seems to be repetitive and disjointed appointments, let me say what seems to be repetitive and disjointed is actually intended. I've known for some time that some readers of non-fiction are cherry pickers (they read chapter I and II but then skip to chapter VI or VII). And I've always wondered why writers don't give backgrounds and lead-ups to new chapters, topics and sub-topics. In this book you'll find that I've given considerable attention to the foundation of materials as well as the main content. And in many cases the foundation may be a repeat of an issue previously discussed. But this is my style and I hope you'll find comfort in it.

With all due respect to the nations' preeminent historians, John Hope Franklin, North Carolina History and Archives Director, Dr. Jeffery Crow and NC senior Appellate Court Judge James A. Wynn Jr., I have invested a considerable amount of time, energy and patience in laying the foundation for my version of the development of America's prejudices, biases and racism. Judge Wynn, in particular, tried to persuade me from historical discussions of antebellum and post civil war politics. But I felt that America's racism has become the common thread that has woven a quilt of mistrust, deception and outright lies in national state and local politics- especially in the South. And it needed exploring.

The "beginning" is a wonderful place to start. In Part I (the Beginning) an attempt is made to outline the circumstance that led to the development of notions of racism and bigotry, and how unscrupulous politicians used the publics' propensity for both to gain political advantage. In many historical accounts of blacks in America the American Civil War is a centerpiece and hub for documentation, speculation and d justification of positions. The Civil War is therefore discussed from a perspective of the black man- the reasons for the war, and blacks- service during the war. The core of this book really begins with Reconstruction and blacks- newfound freedom, elected officials, Party affiliation, and voter rights protection. The end of Reconstruction is when the ugliness began. Many Southern whites saw this as a time to put blacks back in their places and they produced groups and organizations to ensure that the white man was restored to his "rightful" position of racial superiority. This was a time of Race Riots, Black Codes, Lynching and Jim Crow.

The later half of the twentieth century was the start of real political and social gains for blacks in America; and by the end of the 20th century blacks has gone through a political metamorphosis, moving from the Party of Lincoln to the Party that Lynched and enslaved them- the Democratic Party. The impact of the saga of "trading places" between the Democratic and Republican Parties still lingers today. And although the number of black elected officials is at an all time high and blacks have attained very high appointed offices, there are forces that would intimidate black voters, disenfranchise black voters and even steal elections form black and white voters all in the name of politics and winning elections.

These extraordinary circumstances require extraordinary remedies. The final Part of this book is devoted to the "Reengineering" of the black vote. The reengineering of black vote is a process that is long over-due and a process that will help empower all voters and bring a sense of fairness and equality to the politics of race in America.

They are the most controversial people of our time; the most despised and the most revered. Their life is a paradox in that they create whirlwinds when they are not living in complete obscurity. As individuals they are the dullest, but as actors they are the most outrageous. They certainly have captured the prize for the most press coverage of any one group of individuals. Considering all the attention they have received and the accomplishments they have realized their most surprising characteristic may be their ordinariness. While ordinary, they are the time bombs in our society. They sit passively waiting to explode into our consciousness and in many cases change the course of history

The point of this book is that social actions do not occur in a personal vacuum. People's needs and wants fill them until they coalesce into a recognizable form which is the shape of a public group. The decision for social action originates under the skin; only later is it exhibited as a public posture. This book reveals the person behind the social action. I will describe the psychological processes and feelings of a breed of individuals as they blend into a group that promotes and creates a social course of action.

This is the story of the death-bringers; those most willing to kill themselves and others in the most fanatical acts. This particular breed justify any violent social act as a religious-political rite, and within this context celebrate their person

They are the most controversial people of our time; the most despised and the most revered. Their life is a paradox in that they create whirlwinds when they are not living in complete obscurity. As individuals they are the dullest, but as actors they are the most outrageous. They certainly have captured the prize for the most press coverage of any one group of individuals. Considering all the attention they have received and the accomplishments they have realized their most surprising characteristic may be their ordinariness. While ordinary, they are the time bombs in our society. They sit passively waiting to explode into our consciousness and in many cases change the course of history

The point of this book is that social actions do not occur in a personal vacuum. People's needs and wants fill them until they coalesce into a recognizable form which is the shape of a public group. The decision for social action originates under the skin; only later is it exhibited as a public posture. This book reveals the person behind the social action. I will describe the psychological processes and feelings of a breed of individuals as they blend into a group that promotes and creates a social course of action.

This is the story of the death-bringers; those most willing to kill themselves and others in the most fanatical acts. This particular breed justify any violent social act as a religious-political rite, and within this context celebrate their person