The main thrust of A Blueprint for Survival is to offer proposals for the solution of the most serious problems, both economic and political, that burden the nation. It recognizes the fact that comprehensive economic justice and peace can only be achieved by the restructuring of the economic and political systems themselves.

The first part of the book is devoted to presenting the inherent flaws in the nation's private capitalist system. Without understanding how the economic and political systems are wrongly structured resulting in the nation's most egregious problems, millions suffering unmet needs, there cannot be a full understanding of the proposals for a National Cooperative Commonwealth that is proposed in the second part of the book.

The four major flaws in our economic-political systems are dealt with:

• Absence of any restraints on the growth of "unnatural entities," called corporations.Since the inception of our nation, they have progressively taken over the nation's productive capability until today through accelerated mergers they are oppressively dominant in every area of the nation's products, services and all levels government.
• Unconstitutional control of the nation's money and credit by private financial entities. Such control has led to the astronomical debt of trillions of dollars with the private citizens and their government in perpetual bondage to non-producers. Most seriously, they have had the power to place liens against the workers' future earnings as the only means by which they could purchase what they, in the accumulate, had already produced.
• Those who control the economic an financial systems control the political processes by which government operates. First, they have gotten control of the nation's issuance of money and credit, then corralled all of its industrial assets and technology, and finally through these interlocking monopolies underwritten all major candidates who will be beholden to act according to the wishes and dictates of their underwriters.
• Inability of the social-economic-financial system to constructively accommodate the advancements in science and technology. It has been a two-edged sword with strides made in many fields of human endeavor but at the same time it has created threats to life itself. The most potent indictment against the private capitalist system is that there have existed serious unmet needs while at the same time there has been unused technological capability to fulfill those needs!

The nation has reached a "critical mass" in the functioning of its economic social and political patterns.

The primary purpose of the book is to enlighten the people as to the inevitable breakdown of adversary systems like private capitalism and the need to embrace cooperative (teamwork) systems. The secondary purpose and most defining in terms of hope and the future, is to present the legal steps that can be taken within the framework of the Constitution leading to the adoption of a National Cooperative Commonwealth.

Employing the principle of incorporation, a National Cooperative Commonwealth is simply incorporating the entire productive capability of the nation (its natural resources, its productive machinery, its human skill and its technology) into a Grand Corporation in which every citizen is a common shareholder and a preferred shareholder, giving each citizen a decision-making voice and also giving each a purchasing claim against the total goods and services produced.

It is a Commonealth in which the people democratically coordinate the full productive capability of the nation so that it can be unleashed for an abundant, equitable and creative life for all.

It is a Commonealth in which the nation's work capability would be automatically unleashed in direct ratio to the determined needs and services of the total citizenry devoid of all the stultifying burdens of indebtedness and confiscatory taxation.

It is a Commonealth in which there would be full implementation of basic human rights by way of universal health care, universal education, universal employment and a decision-making voice in the enactment of all major legislation and national policy.

Much stress in the book is underscoring the constant sovereign power of the people to make all changes for their betterment. Abraham Lincoln is cited respecting this inherent power when in his first inaugural address, March 4, 1861 he stated:

This country with its institutions belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amendment, or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it.

Blueprint for Survival is unique in that it offers something to be for instead of just something to be against. People want change but they don't know what to do or what must be done.

The single purpose of this book is to instill renewed hope in the hearts of a downcast and very troubled people, and to assure them that there is an attainable and realistic solution to the serious problems that beset the nation.

There are two diametrically different wolds on earth. One is well defined by the high quality of life resulting from wealth and a high living standard, the other the exact opposite. The two run in parallel, the latter dreaming of the former, but the former rarely thinking of the latter. In these two so different worlds people view their problems and those of others through their individual cognitive map. Those lucky to live well view the problems of the others, the unlucky, as non-consequential to them. Disease, hunger, crime, drug abuse, strife and death from misery and war are the problems of those others becoming of consequence to the lucky only when they are not easily bypassed. Even then, the lucky think of the unlucky as that they are themselves the causes of their troubling misery. In past centuries the latter was resulting from their inferiority as people and races. Today misery is a problem caused by their backwardness, lack of education, corruption and lack of ability to manage their lives and social affairs. Apparently, they never cease to be the causes of chaos and social or medical epidemics. In the minds of westerners they are the victims of their democratically weak states and tyrant leaders followed without resistance. But democracy and a strong state are bought by real money, and this money belongs to the West exploiting for centuries the limited resources of the planet. When the poor live in misery, threatening the rich with revolution, terrorism or fundamentalism, the rich look for ways to divert chaotic-anarchy and epidemics from their backdoor, and use it to keep busy those threatening them.

In this modern world of technologically created perceptions and wars, life for the lucky seems worthy of protection. They spend wealth for life's protection and prolongation, promising the same to those whose have yet to experience even the very minimum pleasure of food and shelter. What is and who are responsible for the future of the lucky world and the misfortune of the unlucky?

This book analyses briefly the role of state in the management of the social problems, chaotic-anarchy and epidemics. It analyses capitalism, democracy and their social benefits. It analyses the role of technology, as the right hand of the New World Order, an order that few understand and many wonder about. It analyses the influence of the previous on the definition of epidemic disease in history, today and the future, proposing new semantic terms to describe it and looking for the factors defining them. It analyses the source of factors defining epidemics that is really the low standard of living causing competition for the limited wealth on earth, thus chaotic-anarchy and its consequence socioeconomic epidemics. Poverty is the permanent social condition of 80% of earth's exponentially increasing population. A poor mass of people searching survival by overexploiting their environment limited not only by their numbers, but also voracious transnational corporations, media for wealth accumulation by Western and westernized capitalists. A wounded environment by the byproducts of civilization and modernity is endangered further by the survival needs of most people on earth. Those exhausted by their effort to live in the countryside, poor and dying, move in places promising them the fulfillment of some of their dreams. They migrate to where wealth seems tangible either knocking on the closed doors of the feudal castles of the few or moving into poor megacities. There, many choke from human congestion and urban misery and its consequences. Few others join the groups cheaply selling them hopes. They become followers of spiritual leaders teaching them to claim their perceived rights in life, or crime groups seeking their perceived happiness coming from wealth. Both need the means to fight for their perceived causes, and war technology promises them success. Amongst the means to fight future wars minute biological weapons waiting for chaotic-anarchy to cause epidemics to the enemy. What is then the History of the 21st Century and who will manage it?

    USA Survival Manual defines american enemies - New Slavery in America and the 100 per cent Tax and Congress versus America's Families.

The Northern Spotted Owl - An Oregon View tells the story of a battle to save the forests in a backdrop of economic troubles in the Pacific Northwest.

"The economy in the Pacific Northwest is a disaster," says the author. In January 2003, newspapers in Portland and Salem, Oregon, featured reports on the deplorable financial situation in state and local governments. Funds for social services have been slashed as state tax revenues continue to fall below projected levels on which all budgets are based. School funding is in crisis, with drastic spending cuts in schools, colleges and universities, resulting in cutbacks and even wholesale elimination of many high quality educational programs. Unemployment is at record levels, consistently placing Oregon with the fiftieth highest level of the fifty United States. News stories suggest that greatly reduced timber harvest on national forests may be a contributing factor to the economic problems of the region.

Rightly or Wrongly, it was the Northern Spotted Owl that brought about that reduction in timber harvests.

This book is the story of the spotted owl and its role in the interplay of environmentalism, the timber industry, the economy and ultimately the quality of life in the Pacific Northwest. This volume traces the battles that were fought and the pain and anguish of affected people from the vantage point of one Oregon state representative, Representative Liz VanLeeuwen, to preserve the forests and protect the owl. The book is based on resource material from 360 different sources, including government reports, news articles, correspondence and letters to the editors, Liz VanLeeuwen used to support her political position.

Groups interested in making preservation of all forests in the Pacific Northwest their highest priority needed a means of legally preventing all or most timber harvest. They sought an issue on which to focus their legal battle. The Northern Spotted Owl ended up serving that purpose. Congress had passed the Endangered Species Act in 1973. A young biologist, Eric Forsman, had selected the Northern Spotted Owl for the subject of his graduate research, the conclusion of which was that the owl needed old growth forest for survival. Environmentalists took this conclusion and combined it with the legal power of the Endangered Species Act to stop timber harvests on federal land in the region. This book maps out just how successful the environmental campaign was in shutting down federal timber harvests-and also the devastating effect this process has had on the Pacific Northwest.

Citizens in rural communities in western Washington and Oregon and northern California warned against the consequences of reduced federal timber harvest. These communities had developed and grown economically and socially based in large measure on jobs and infrastructure generated by the harvest of timber from the federally owned national forests. State and local governments in these regions also became dependent on the payments in lieu of taxes from the federal government for these timber harvests. The size of those payments was based on the amount of timber harvested. The funds, in the tens of millions of dollars, were used to support schools and build and maintain roads. The economy of the Pacific Northwest was based on this natural resource based economy.

Citizens of these so-called timber-dependent communities understood that not only their local economies, but also those of their entire states and regions depended on the natural resource base. In fact, they understood this better than their counterparts in the region's cities and populous suburbs. While small town residents and the politicians representing them warned of the dire consequences of closing down the timber industry, residents of the more populous areas felt confidant that they were justified in closing down timber. They congratulated themselves for having successfully moved the Northwest into modern prosperity on the back of companies like Microsoft (WA), Intel and Tektronix (OR). For many years, the devastating effects of eliminating the timber-based economies were masked by what is now known as the high-tech bubble,

But when that bubble burst at the end of the 90's, it soon became apparent that the spotted owl had been used not only to shut down most federal timber harvests in the Northwest, but also to decimate the economic and social infrastructure of the Pacific Northwest. In this book, completed in January, 2003, the author attempts to trace the unfortunate developments that have led to the economic disaster that is Oregon today.

The recent accounting and corporate scandals of Enron, WorldCom, Tyco, K-Mart and McWane (producer of cast iron water and sewer pipes), which has killed 9 workers and injured 4600 more with impunity since 1995- and other greedy and lawless billion dollar behemoths- are just the tip of the iceberg relative to the serious and pervasive harm that corporations and greed are doing to people, communities, the earth and to our children's and grandchildren's future.

How Corporations Hurt Us All examines many crises including how Big Oil, billion dollar weapons contractors, and unaccountable private firms like DynCorps are continuing dangerous and immoral Cold War policies by driving multiple wars and military operations; our collapsing corporate health care system that restricts free speech, stifles public debate, and manipulates public opinion to serve narrow corporate and political goals.

Some of the world's largest multinational corporationsÐExxonMobil(#1 oil company), Wal-Mart (#1 retailer), HCA (#1 hospital conglomerate), Citigroup (the world's #1 financial institution)- and other rogue operations are profiled in the book.

The good news is that there are effective approaches to all of these interrelated, greed-driven crises. Even more hopeful are the corporate reform and global economic democracy movements representing thousands of dedicated citizens' groups and millions fo individuals throughout the world.

Yet, what is ultimately necessary to reverse global economic, social, and environmental deterioration and eventual collapse, insure world peace and security, strength our weakened civil liberties, and fulfill our human potential, as the book explains, is forging a broad consensus on a new bottom line, or organizing principle, for business and society.

This book does not take a neutral stand on the issue of mass unemployment. It is an effort to expose capitalism's most outrageous feature - its compulsive need to use unemployment and the fear of unemployment to ensure the docility and subservience of its workers. Under the capitalist system, the stick of the fear of unemployment is necessary to keep workers' noses to the grindstone and make them perform to the satisfaction of their employers. The stick is needed because much work is boring, the carrot paid is less than a living wage, provides workers very little or no control over the work process, and stifles creativity - in short because the total carrot offered to numerous workers is so woefully inadequate. Under a different system, one in which working people participated fully in the decisions affecting what, how and for what purpose goods and services were produced; if we had a system based on economic democracy, there would be no need to use the stick of the fear of unemployment. The creativity of most of the millions of working people, now mostly dormant, would be awakened and the volume and quality of improvements and inventions especially in housing, energy, transit systems and health care would be so great as to tower high above and completely overshadow the number and purpose of the innovations created under the present system.

The issue of unemployment is shrouded in half-truths and outright lies. As a result, there is almost total ignorance about the real causes of unemployment and worse still, about its very serious consequences. Many claim that there are enough jobs but that the unemployed are lazy and would rather be on welfare. While this may be true of a very small fraction of the unemployed, it is not true of the overwhelming majority. There have been numerous instances in which whenever advertisements calling for applicants for relatively well-paid jobs or for jobs that paid better than the minimum wage, the number of applicants that applied for those jobs were ten or more times greater than the number of jobs that were advertised.

In September 26th of 1984, to mention just one instance, the Associated Press News Agency reported that "50,000 people lined up for 350 jobs." The report went on to say that "the applicants, some of whom waited in line for two days, hope to land a longshoreman's job paying $15.45 an hour or a marine clerk's job earning $17.45 an hour... However the fact that only 350 jobs are currently available didn't dismay the crowd, which queued up in a line in the San Pedro district [of Los Angeles] that stretched for 13 mile..."

Clearly, the majority would rather have gainful employment at a living wage and live a life of dignity and integrity. Furthermore apart from the simple need to earn a living, productive employment is an indispensable part of the psychological makeup of human beings. Simply put, people want to feel useful. Prolonged joblessness is a serious threat to a person's self-esteem and destroying that self-esteem has appalling consequences.

The ugly truth is that the system under which we live will not or cannot provide jobs for those who need them. The business class is simply not interested in full employment because mass unemployment provides them with many benefits. Among those benefits: a large pool of unemployed workers drives down the wages employers have to pay.

Classical political economy was forged in the same furnaces that spawned the Industrial Revolution. Globalization is the beginning of the end of industrialization, the completion of the Industrial Revolution, the long-awaited development of the undeveloped and underdeveloped world. This fulfillment of the industrial revolution brings that revolution full circle. The world has turned along with the wheels of industry, and socio-economic institutions have been transformed. To understand the ideas and practices of industrialization it is necessary to return to the principles of classical political economy – principles that are ultimately derived from the same source as the Industrial Revoution. The intellectual revolution that began with Adam Smith must also come full circle. This book explores the political economy of globalization and argues for one hundred distinct theses requisite both for a theoretical understanding of the processes of globalization and for the formulation of practical policy measures that put these developments in historical perspective. Includes a detailed glossary and annotated bibliography.

For some time now, there probably could not be a more timely book than one entitled Islam VS Democracy. In this book, Mahmoud Ismaeilian addresses the pertinent question of whether Islam in general, and the Islamic party as a political force in Iran in particular, can offer freedom, democracy and a measure of equality to people living under its laws. He also considers the mentality peculiar to Islamic governments, offers a brief history of events leading up to the current world situation, and examines the constitutional state of democracy in Iran and certain other Islamic nations.

The book begins with a look at 'the tragedy which gave birth to Islamic thinkings' and goes on to look at the replacement of one set of moral values by another, and shifts in social and individual consciousness, though this seems to be less a reason behind Islamic thinking than an influence on it. Many of Ismaeilian's ideas are philosophically interesting and valid: he asserts that 'human thought seems to lag behind the realities of the world around it', and views fundamentalist Islam through a socialist lens, claiming that is 'based on a very outdated socio-economical relationships of middle ages' - that is, a feudal-type one. By observing certain Islamic states in a distinctly political light, the author highlights the conservative aspects of fundamentalism that aim to preserve the status quo by proclaiming it as God's will: in Iran, he writes, the Islamic state 'assumes that the economically influential elements of society are meant to be blessed by the creator...and therefore any complaints by...the workers...would be considered blasphemy'. In a strongly-worded critique of Iran's records, he asks pointedly why a religion claiming to have human interests at heart has claimed so many lives, and charts the uneasy and finally unworkable relationship between fundamentalist Islam and democracy.

Using official figures from the U.S. government and respected experts, Bradley paints an economic picture for our future that is as scary as the latest horror film. America is on the brink of economic disaster - at both the federal and personal level.

Spending is increasing at a faster pace that our ability to pay off our public and private debt. How did we as a country get this way? Bradley's analysis leads to only one conclusion:

In Greed We Trust: Capitalism Gone Astray

About the Book

This book does not take a neutral stand on the issue of mass unemployment. It is an effort to expose capitalism's most outrageous feature - its compulsive need to use unemployment and the fear of unemployment to ensure the docility and subservience of its workers. Under the capitalist system, the stick of the fear of unemployment is necessary to keep workers' noses to the grindstone and make them perform to the satisfaction of their employers. The stick is needed because much work is boring, the carrot paid is less than a living wage, provides workers very little or no control over the work process, and stifles creativity - in short because the total carrot offered to numerous workers is so woefully inadequate. Under a different system, one in which working people participated fully in the decisions affecting what, how and for what purpose goods and services were produced; if we had a system based on economic democracy, there would be no need to use the stick of the fear of unemployment. The creativity of most of the millions of working people, now mostly dormant, would be awakened and the volume and quality of improvements and inventions especially in housing, energy, transit systems and health care would be so great as to tower high above and completely overshadow the number and purpose of the innovations created under the present system.

The issue of unemployment is shrouded in half-truths and outright lies. As a result, there is almost total ignorance about the real causes of unemployment and worse still, about its very serious consequences. Many claim that there are enough jobs but that the unemployed are lazy and would rather be on welfare. While this may be true of a very small fraction of the unemployed, it is not true of the overwhelming majority. There have been numerous instances in which whenever advertisements calling for applicants for relatively well-paid jobs or for jobs that paid better than the minimum wage, the number of applicants that applied for those jobs were ten or more times greater than the number of jobs that were advertised.

In September 26th of 1984, to mention just one instance, the Associated Press News Agency reported that "50,000 people lined up for 350 jobs." The report went on to say that "the applicants, some of whom waited in line for two days, hope to land a longshoreman's job paying $15.45 an hour or a marine clerk's job earning $17.45 an hour... However the fact that only 350 jobs are currently available didn't dismay the crowd, which queued up in a line in the San Pedro district [of Los Angeles] that stretched for 13 mile..."

Clearly, the majority would rather have gainful employment at a living wage and live a life of dignity and integrity. Furthermore apart from the simple need to earn a living, productive employment is an indispensable part of the psychological makeup of human beings. Simply put, people want to feel useful. Prolonged joblessness is a serious threat to a person's self-esteem and destroying that self-esteem has appalling consequences.

The ugly truth is that the system under which we live will not or cannot provide jobs for those who need them. The business class is simply not interested in full employment because mass unemployment provides them with many benefits. Among those benefits: a large pool of unemployed workers drives down the wages employers have to pay.

This book does not take a neutral stand on the issue of mass unemployment. It is an effort to expose capitalism's most outrageous feature - its compulsive need to use unemployment and the fear of unemployment to ensure the docility and subservience of its workers. Under the capitalist system, the stick of the fear of unemployment is necessary to keep workers' noses to the grindstone and make them perform to the satisfaction of their employers. The stick is needed because much work is boring, the carrot paid is less than a living wage, provides workers very little or no control over the work process, and stifles creativity - in short because the total carrot offered to numerous workers is so woefully inadequate. Under a different system, one in which working people participated fully in the decisions affecting what, how and for what purpose goods and services were produced; if we had a system based on economic democracy, there would be no need to use the stick of the fear of unemployment. The creativity of most of the millions of working people, now mostly dormant, would be awakened and the volume and quality of improvements and inventions especially in housing, energy, transit systems and health care would be so great as to tower high above and completely overshadow the number and purpose of the innovations created under the present system.

The issue of unemployment is shrouded in half-truths and outright lies. As a result, there is almost total ignorance about the real causes of unemployment and worse still, about its very serious consequences. Many claim that there are enough jobs but that the unemployed are lazy and would rather be on welfare. While this may be true of a very small fraction of the unemployed, it is not true of the overwhelming majority. There have been numerous instances in which whenever advertisements calling for applicants for relatively well-paid jobs or for jobs that paid better than the minimum wage, the number of applicants that applied for those jobs were ten or more times greater than the number of jobs that were advertised.

In September 26th of 1984, to mention just one instance, the Associated Press News Agency reported that "50,000 people lined up for 350 jobs." The report went on to say that "the applicants, some of whom waited in line for two days, hope to land a longshoreman's job paying $15.45 an hour or a marine clerk's job earning $17.45 an hour... However the fact that only 350 jobs are currently available didn't dismay the crowd, which queued up in a line in the San Pedro district [of Los Angeles] that stretched for 13 mile..."

Clearly, the majority would rather have gainful employment at a living wage and live a life of dignity and integrity. Furthermore apart from the simple need to earn a living, productive employment is an indispensable part of the psychological makeup of human beings. Simply put, people want to feel useful. Prolonged joblessness is a serious threat to a person's self-esteem and destroying that self-esteem has appalling consequences.

The ugly truth is that the system under which we live will not or cannot provide jobs for those who need them. The business class is simply not interested in full employment because mass unemployment provides them with many benefits. Among those benefits: a large pool of unemployed workers drives down the wages employers have to pay.

When independence arrived in sub-Saharan Africa in the early 1960s, everyone was optimistic higher living standards would quickly follow. But after almost half-a-century of intensive policy and institutional reforms, and massive foreign grants and loans, the condition of the majority has hardly improved.

Bad governance has been a key factor, and must be rectified before the region can attain its aspirations. But the need for reforms extends beyond African governments alone. Some of the prescriptions donors enthusiastically promoted were flawed. Others acted as disincentives to development. Market principles, backed with external aid mostly targeting humanitarian relief, did not lay a solid foundation for growth. The problem though is not with the basic principles, but with the failure to apply them contextually.

The response to poverty - the major challenge in the region - is a typical case in point. Conventional programmes try to mitigate the suffering of the poor, only to keep them hovering at the edge of hardship. A pragmatic response would recognize that poverty prevents an economy from operating at its full potential, and would elicit action to bring the poor into mainstream economic activity. Reducing poverty is no longer a magnanimous gesture, because it makes good economic and business sense.

This uncommon perspective, taking social realities in the region into account, is the basis of the new strategies for policy and institutional reforms, aid management and governance, that are advanced.

It is not policies and strategies alone that need to be fixed. Complex delivery processes need to be simplified. Progress would not require a revolution, but a gradual accumulation of small results, interacting to produce big impact. Most importantly, development should be promoted as an activity people do for themselves. With the right incentives, people can organize themselves to beat the adversity of poverty.