This book is a comprehensive biography of Nelson Mandela that is enriched by the context of the South African struggle that the author brings into the narrative. Nelson Mandela is immersed in the entire liberationist strife from 1652 to 2000 as it took place in South Africa within the globa waves that impcted the South African scenes with reactionary trends as well as emancipatory influences.

Unlike most books on Nelson Mandela, this book was written by a South African Black, first in Zulu and then translated to five South African languages, including English. As the author was a participant in the struggle, this book captures much of the stories as they were experienced, told and retold by the South Africans, especially those de-voiced South African Blacks who dared not write or speak openly about the struggle. This book is, therefore largely a Black person's view point, a view point that is informed by scholarship, distance from the South Africa and decades of living in South Africa under apartheid.

Struggle and the Prospects for World Government rethinks the cold war and the social, political and economic development that followed the collapse of the Berlin wall. This essay cuts across all aspects of what is increasingly termed the "new world order". At the same time, The book establishes that free trade, nationalism, religious nationalism, and technology are emerging in combination as a post-cold war weapon system that can globally power the war between neoliberalism and neosocialism, individualism and collectivism, modernism and archaism, and universalism and particularism within a two-fold framework that includes, at one end of the spectrum, the institutionalization of transnational politics, and at the other end of the spectrum, the unionization of anti-corporate forces. These factors have combined to inexorably allow more prospects for World Government.

The year 2000 showed that terrorism continues to pose a clear and present danger to the international community. Terrorism is becoming a strategy that has a long history, but one that took on a particularly deadly caste beginning in the 21th century. The leaders of some of the most dangerous terrorist groups to emerge in the past decade have headquarters or major offices in Afghanistan, and their associates threaten stability in many real and potential trouble spots around the globe - from Indonesia to the Balkans, Central Asia to the Persian Gulf, Western China to Somalia, and Western Europe to South Asia.

Terrorists attempt not only to sow panic but also to undermine confidence in the government and political leadership of their target country. Terrorism is therefore designed to have psychological effects that reach far beyond its impact on the immediate victims or object of an attack. Terrorists mean to frighten and thereby intimidate a wider audience, such as a rival ethnic or religious group, an entire country and its political leadership, or the international community as a whole.

All terrorist acts involve violence or "equally important" the threat of violence. These violent acts are committed by nongovernmental groups or individuals that is, by those who are neither part of nor officially serving in the military forces, law enforcement agencies, intelligence services, or other governmental agencies of an established nation-state.

Terrorism has occurred throughout history for a variety of reasons. It causes can be historical, cultural, political, social, psychological, economic, or religious, or any combination of these. Some countries have proven to be particularly susceptible to terrorism at certain times, as Italy and West Germany were during the 1970s. Terrorist violence escalated precipitously in those two countries for a decade before declining equally dramatically. Other countries, such as Canada and The Netherlands, have proven to be more resistant, and have experienced only a few isolated terrorist incidents.

In general, democratic countries have provided more fertile ground for terrorism because of the open nature of their societies. In such societies citizens have fundamental rights, civil liberties are legally protected, and government control and constant surveillance of its citizens and their activities is absent. By the same token, repressive societies, in which the government closely monitors citizens and restricts their speech and movement, have often provided more difficult environments for terrorists. But even police states have not been immune to terrorism, despite limiting civil liberties and forbidding free speech and rights of assembly. Examples include Russia under tsarist rule and the Communist-ruled Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, as well as the People's Republic of China, Myanmar, and Laos.

The author expressed it all through quotations which was compiled from public figures, authors, poets, scholars, experts, professionals, statements, and the common people, and collected from books, newspapers, news-weeklies, poems, speeches, oral conversations, etc from all part of the world in connecting with the content of this book since 1980.

WE ARE AT WAR! Make no mistake about it. It is not a declared war, but it is a war nonetheless. It is a war unlike any we have ever fought. The enemy is elusive, hard to identify. They strike and run and they rely on terror. They target innocents to inflict the maximum psychological damage. They are sponsored by "rogue" nations or hide in nations unwilling or unable to control them.

The peace and security of the world has too often been shattered by "rogue" nations. That is no different today. The challenges abound.

What to do? The United States, alone, cannot do the job of being the world's policeman. But, the United Global security Partnership can! A MEASURED RESPONSE tells how the civilized world can deal with the "rogues". The United Global Security Partnership, unlike any organization in the world today, will deal with the troublemakers in a fashion that will leave no doubt in their minds as to the error of their ways and, thereby discourage all other ambitious tyrants.

The author's hypothesis is that following historical pattern, members of the al-Qaeda Network (AQN) stand a very good chance of undergoing a metamorphosis from Islamic insurgents to gangsters. Organized crime groups are motivated by money rather than ideology, and that is where the AQN may be going. Just about every insurgency since WWII, regardless of political views, has engaged in criminal activity as a means of fundraising. At some point for many insurgents crime became a very attractive proposition, which allowed them to forget their original intent to become plain criminals. Drug trafficking has been the most lucrative of the criminal enterprises and has therefore attracted like a magnet these former idealists. There is no reason to believe that members of the AQN will not follow this pattern.

The AQN, despite its resiliency, creativity and daring is being defeated. In 2006 and first half of 2007, there was not a single incident of terrorism by the AQN against American targets anywhere in the world outside of the two war zones in Iraq and Afghanistan! In the mid-to-long-term, they will be defeated and will not be able to achieve their goal of creating a Pan Islamic state. One of the AQN's remarkable skills is the enterprising audacity of the members to raise funds through criminal misdeeds. The next phase of Jihad could very well be fought in the back allies of Western Europe and North America between gangsters and members and former members of the AQN over turf. Trafficking in narcotics, without a doubt, will only be one business focus area for AQN veterans. They will be linked to other criminal enterprises and operate as members of the international criminal underworld. The Western World should be ready to deal with the new challenge.

Find out for yourself! Islam is not the enemy;

Are you surprised to know that Islam's God is like yours? Islams's holy book the Qur'an, in verse (2:62) says: "Believers, Jews, Christians and Sabeans - whoever believes in God and the Last Day and does what is right - shall be rewarded by their Lord; they have nothing to fear or to regret." Islam preaches universalism, racial equality and social justice.

The founding fathers' vision of democracy was trasformed into a one-dollar, one-vote democracy. One-half of one percent of American households owns more than 90 percent of Americans. In such a democracy, Wall street owns all the money and all the votes.

The American dream was hijacked in the 19th century by the few, as president Lincoln feared. It was hijacked by Wall Street and corporations, just as president Rutherford B. Hays said: "This is a government of corporations for corporations by corporations".

Wall Street and capitalism have elevated materialism and economic growth to the rank of a new religion of the land. Money became the ultimate measure of success. In Wall Street Capitalism, citizens are incidental numbers on balance sheets. Materialism became "a tumor in the soul".

It is almost universally accepted that a small but lethal number of fanatics have hijacked the religion of Islam and are using it in a distorted way to justify terrorism. Although elements of this premise are correct it only tells part of the story of Islam's hostile forward movement into Western society. In fact this accepted premise is really the "tip of the iceberg." The whole story is more ominous and potentially far more deadly to Western culture than the activities of terrorists.

Through tracing the history of Islam from the seventh century to modern times while juxtaposing these events against the continual positioning of Islam as a religion of peace, tolerance and benevolence it becomes quite clear that Islam contains many characteristics but the self proclaimed attributes are not among them.

The belligerent nature of many Islamic positions and actions against the West are in fact clearly put forth in the Qur'an. The dictates of the Islamic Holy book are analyzed and shown for what they are by way of their application to Islamic policies and cultural constructs.

And even this is merely a further uncovering of the iceberg of Islamic antagonism to the West. The actual advancement of Islamic interests is not a conspiracy in any classical sense of the use of that word but is a reflection of the programs and activities that Islam utilizes to further its empowerment through immigration, energy control, cultural accommodations within the West, the manipulation of the Israeli, Palestine and Lebanon issues, Islam's emerging political presence in Western countries and politics, etc. All of these further the Islamic goal of power and dominance.

The acquisition of power by Islam cannot however be achieved without the support of the West through its policies, politics, lack of cohesive diplomacy, media reporting and benign positioning of many issues. A careful analysis of these categories and the linking of them to actual Islamic advancement are demonstrated. To counterbalance the aggressive encroachment on Western culture a set of realizable solutions are proposed. They include philosophical, political, energy and military policy proposals.

In a single book A Never Ending War presents some of the most vexing problems facing the West today and posits a set of solutions for those problems.

The first part deals with South Africa where the author was the deputy to the High Commissioner from 1958 to 1962. The country's troubled race relations were already under scrutiny in the United Nations and pressure was mounting at home and abroad for reform. All this was resented and resisted by the governing minority of the population represented by the National Party which was supported by most of the Afrikaans-speaking majority of the South African white population. Black African resistance led to the major protests of March 1960 which were suppressed with bloodshed at Sharpeville and led to measures that ended any pretence of democracy in South Africa. Sharpeville resulted in the withdrawal of South Africa from the Commonwealth and set the stage for the events of succeeding decades which eventually resulted in the establishment of a non-racial government under Nelson Mandela in 1991.

The second part concerns the Soviet Union where Brown was deputy to the Ambassador, Robert Ford, for a brief 16 months from mid-1964. Ford was a foreign service icon whose career had been marked by bad luck: he had been stationed in Moscow but absent on holidays during all the important Soviet events of the fifties and sixties. That included the coup d'Žtat when Nikita Khruschchev was removed from power and the author was in charge of the embassy. The Russian experience was rich and demanding ÷ and rewarding, for it lead to his first ambassadorial posting.

Part three deals with the Congo plus much of central Africa including Zambia, Malawi, Rwanda, Burundi, and Congo-Brazzaville: a lot of the dark continent that proved even in that time how dark it could be. Within weeks of Brown's arrival, he had experienced a dramatic coup in the Congo and found himself in charge of the airlift of oil and gasoline to Zambia occasioned by Rhodesia's unilateral declaration of independence. There was much more ahead as the crisis of Canadian unity led to confrontations in Africa between Canada, on the one side, and France and Quebec on the other.

Part four is about Cyprus, divided between Greek and Turk for centuries and kept in peace by the United Nations Force ÷ nonetheless a civilized piece of cake after the Congo. Canada was one of the major contributors of peacekeepers on the island. Then we blew it, closing our diplomatic mission, and abdicating an honourable role in a situation that lingers on. That was the 1968-1970 farewell to the decade of "Blazes".

Since those days in South Africa, Russia, the Congo and Cyprus, none of the countries can be said to have solved all of the problems that faced them then. Instability concerns all, making Blazes Along a Diplomatic Trail of contemporary relevance.

This Great Nation of Ours involves one very frustrated teenager taking on the general ignorant American attitude on issues that transpire within, and out of, America's borders.

The book covers issues ranging from the fiscal and diplomatic irresponsibility of implementing Bush's National Missile Defense Program, guns in America, the war in Iraq, the so-called "American bias" in the media, and all the way to the American policy towards the Middle East Conflict.

The book is written in a very arrogant manner designed to enrage those "ultra-patriotic" types who allow their so-called love for their country blind them of the imperfections within our society.

"Hay dos rezones que generalmente se conocen que indica él porque los Estados Unidos fueron a la Guerra contra España en el 1898. La primera era ayudar a los revolucionarios cubanos para que estos obtuvieran su independencia y la otra era obtener retribución de los españoles por el hundimiento del USS Maine en la Bah’a de la Habana. La realidad se aparta mucho de las razones oficiales del gobierno estadounidense. Porque los pol’ticos en Washington forzaron al Presidente McKinley a ir a la guerra cuando el Ejercito de Estados unidos no estaba preparado para ella? Porque la Armada de Estados Unidos respaldaba la Guerra? Cual era la agenda secreta de la Armada y Ejercito de Estados Unidos sobre Puerto Rico, Filipinas y Guam? Esta historia cuenta sobre lo que ocurre en Estados Unidos, España y Puerto Rico después del hundimiento del USS Maine y como la gente en estos lugares pensaba al ver como se dirig’an hacia una guerra. La guerra es vista a través de varios ojos, pero principalmente a través de los de Ricardo Ramírez y sus jóvenes amigos al igual que de su t’o, el famoso Mariscal Antonio Ramírez. Otros que aportan son de los servicios diplomáticos de Estados Unidos y Espa&ntide;a al igual que los del Ejercito y Armada. Hay que sentir ese momento histórico para comprender las repercusiones que nos tocan hoy día."

Is it just me, or do you also sense that when it comes to the Middle East, we may well be inching our way toward a bad place? What if anything can we do about it? Albert Einstein came up with E=mc2. Thankfully, the formula for success in the Middle East is a lot simpler - Ideology plus Investment equals Hope. We need nothing less than a new ideological framework along with some well placed investment dollars to generate a sense of hope, and with hope all things are possible. Use An Ideology of Common Sense along with Economic Incentives to sell a Vision of Hope - a Vision of Peace, Prosperity, and Freedom - on the Arab street, in the Muslim World, and in the world as a whole. Speak to one another with common sense, and with a sense of personal dignity. Put some serious money on the table, and give everyone on earth a place at the table, a stake in his or her future. Make the "global economy" truly global. Use the motto: "We stand ready to invest in you, if you are ready to invest in yourselves." Invest in projects which resonate with hope, which create jobs, which protect the environment, and which allow people to become who they want to become, even if they want to become different from you. Create facts on the ground which speak louder than words. Marginalize the extremists on all sides by co-opting their strategy - by doing what they do, only better - and by putting them in the uncomfortable and untenable position of holding their people back from a better life. If the West is good at anything, it is making and investing money. Why not use this strength as part of our strategic arsenal to promote the peace, and to win the war against ideological extremism? And when the need arises, fight on the ground, and fight hard, but position the fight within a Vision of Hope. Raise the fight on the ground to a higher moral plain, and sustain the fight by giving it a moral clarity of purpose. If all this sounds a bit over the top, it probably is. But this may well be the time, before time runs out, to dream the impossible, and to make the impossible come true.

One of the most remakrable developments of modern time has been the growth of a universal concern for the promotion of human rights. The rights of man anywhere are now, more than ever before, the convern of man everywhere.

This concern has also given rise to a comprehensive body of human rights law, some of it universal, some regional. The African continent has made its own contribution to this process through the elaboration and adoption of the African Charter on Human and People's Rights. This book discusses the process and the issues involved in the drafting of that Charter and surveys the jurisprudence developed by the comission established under the Charter in respect of the rights guaranteed under that instrument. The survey covers the civil and political rights, the economic, social and cultural rights as well as the third gerneration rights such as the right to development, a satisfactory environment and to national and international peace and security. The status of the Charter in municipal legal systems as well as some of its unique features, such as the lack of a derogation clause and the concept of individual duties, are also covered by the survey.

This work is an authoritative and welcome survey of the African contribution to the international law of human rights by one who, from his association with human rights and governance issues within Africa, the commonwealth and wider afield, the United Nations system, is particularly well placed to deal with the subject.

The work is necessary reading for anyone who wishes to be familiar with the subject.

Then a strange thing happened. President Bush turned his attention and fervor on Iraq and Saddam Hussein- an evil man, and a tyrant! BUT, so too are rulers of Iran, North Korea, Cuba, Uganda, Sudan, etc., etc! With claims that Saddam was involved in the 9/11 attack, and that he had WMD's, and was a threat to America, we invaded; a "war of choice".

Anyone who has experienced the fear and horror of combat, the maiming and loss of comrades, would shun war. It would be a last, no other option, resort. Paradoxically, those in the Administration who launched this Iraq conflict, never went to war in their own youth (in fact, during Vietnam, they took steps to AVOID going) Though they continually term this sad quagmire a "noble cause", none have sent their own children to fight, die, and be maimed in the 120 degree desert.

Instead, it's the poor and the powerless! Kids of 18,19,20,and 21 years of age who hail from places like Goose Creek, KY and Coyote Bend, WY. So far, no casualties from Brookline, Scarsdale, Grosse Pointe, or Beverly Hills. Nor have we read of any folks who left Harvard, Yale, or Princeton, to go to Baghdad, Najaf, or Fallujah to "spread democracy".

And so, almost four years after "shock and awe" in March of '03, and President Bush's claim of "Mission Accomplished", in May of '03, Iraq is in Chaos - and on the verge of civil war. A recent report says that 600,000 Iraqi civilians have been killed, and over 1,000,000 more have fled their country. Over 3,000 American soldiers have perished, and 25,000 more were wounded; some limbless, blind, burned horribly, and in pain for life. To win an election, or so a man could say "I am a War President" ??

Before our "war" began, and as events unfolded, I wrote letters of protest and essays - about the people who have led us into this misguided "crusade" (as our leader initially termed it). And I said that: when the children of the powerful (who make the wars), and the children of the rich (who profit from them), have to go into combat FIRST- every last one of them - there will be no more wars!!